現在，請允許我來為大家詳細解釋一下WISDOM美國留學費用的問題，希望我的回答能夠幫助到大家。關于WISDOM美國留學費用的討論，我們正式開始。

文章目錄列表:

1.美國憲法保護哪些私權利？
2.跟著老友記Friends學英語--(3)
3.visiton音箱是美國的嗎
4.美國圣路易斯華盛頓大學有哪些熱門專業

美國憲法保護哪些私權利？

不知道是不是需要用英語回答？

美國憲法保護的私權利多了。

隱私權……

憲法是一個框架，不能枚舉啊~~~~

還是看看憲法原文。

美國憲法（中文）

本文網址：/faxuejieti/jd/200502/20050203215123.htm

The Federalist No. 10

The Utility of the Union as a Safeguard Against Domestic Faction and Insurrection (continued)

Daily Advertiser

Thursday, November 22, 1787

[James Madison]

To the People of the State of New York:

AMONG the numerous advantages promised by a well constructed Union, none deserves to be more accurately developed than its tendency to break and control the violence of faction. The friend of popular governments never finds himself so much alarmed for their character and fate, as when he contemplates their propensity to this dangerous vice. He will not fail, therefore, to set a due value on any plan which, without violating the principles to which he is attached, provides a proper cure for it. The instability, injustice, and confusion introduced into the public councils, have, in truth, been the mortal diseases under which popular governments have everywhere perished; as they continue to be the favorite and fruitful topics from which the adversaries to liberty derive their most specious declamations. The valuable improvements made by the American constitutions on the popular models, both ancient and modern, cannot certainly be too much admired; but it would be an unwarrantable partiality, to contend that they have as effectually obviated the danger on this side, as was wished and expected. Complaints are everywhere heard from our most considerate and virtuous citizens, equally the friends of public and private faith, and of public and personal liberty, that our governments are too unstable, that the public good is disregarded in the conflicts of rival parties, and that measures are too often decided, not according to the rules of justice and the rights of the minor party, but by the superior force of an interested and overbearing majority. However anxiously we may wish that these complaints had no foundation, the evidence, of known facts will not permit us to deny that they are in some degree true. It will be found, indeed, on a candid review of our situation, that some of the distresses under which we labor have been erroneously charged on the operation of our governments; but it will be found, at the same time, that other causes will not alone account for many of our heaviest misfortunes; and, particularly, for that prevailing and increasing distrust of public engagements, and alarm for private rights, which are echoed from one end of the continent to the other. These must be chiefly, if not wholly, effects of the unsteadiness and injustice with which a factious spirit has tainted our public administrations.

By a faction, I understand a number of citizens, whether amounting to a majority or a minority of the whole, who are united and actuated by some common impulse of passion, or of interest, adversed to the rights of other citizens, or to the permanent and aggregate interests of the community.

There are two methods of curing the mischiefs of faction: the one, by removing its causes; the other, by controlling its effects.

There are again two methods of removing the causes of faction: the one, by destroying the liberty which is essential to its existence; the other, by giving to every citizen the same opinions, the same passions, and the same interests.

It could never be more truly said than of the first remedy, that it was worse than the disease. Liberty is to faction what air is to fire, an aliment without which it instantly expires. But it could not be less folly to abolish liberty, which is essential to political life, because it nourishes faction, than it would be to wish the annihilation of air, which is essential to animal life, because it imparts to fire its destructive agency.

The second expedient is as impracticable as the first would be unwise. As long as the reason of man continues fallible, and he is at liberty to exercise it, different opinions will be formed. As long as the connection subsists between his reason and his self-love, his opinions and his passions will have a reciprocal influence on each other; and the former will be objects to which the latter will attach themselves. The diversity in the faculties of men, from which the rights of property originate, is not less an insuperable obstacle to a uniformity of interests. The protection of these faculties is the first object of government. From the protection of different and unequal faculties of acquiring property, the possession of different degrees and kinds of property immediately results; and from the influence of these on the sentiments and views of the respective proprietors, ensues a division of the society into different interests and parties.

The latent causes of faction are thus sown in the nature of man; and we see them everywhere brought into different degrees of activity, according to the different circumstances of civil society. A zeal for different opinions concerning religion, concerning government, and many other points, as well of speculation as of practice; an attachment to different leaders ambitiously contending for pre-eminence and power; or to persons of other descriptions whose fortunes have been interesting to the human passions, have, in turn, divided mankind into parties, inflamed them with mutual animosity, and rendered them much more disposed to vex and oppress each other than to co-operate for their common good. So strong is this propensity of mankind to fall into mutual animosities, that where no substantial occasion presents itself, the most frivolous and fanciful distinctions have been sufficient to kindle their unfriendly passions and excite their most violent conflicts. But the most common and durable source of factions has been the various and unequal distribution of property. Those who hold and those who are without property have ever formed distinct interests in society. Those who are creditors, and those who are debtors, fall under a like discrimination. A landed interest, a manufacturing interest, a mercantile interest, a moneyed interest, with many lesser interests, grow up of necessity in civilized nations, and divide them into different classes, actuated by different sentiments and views. The regulation of these various and interfering interests forms the principal task of modern legislation, and involves the spirit of party and faction in the necessary and ordinary operations of the government.

No man is allowed to be a judge in his own cause, because his interest would certainly bias his judgment, and, not improbably, corrupt his integrity. With equal, nay with greater reason, a body of men are unfit to be both judges and parties at the same time; yet what are many of the most important acts of legislation, but so many judicial determinations, not indeed concerning the rights of single persons, but concerning the rights of large bodies of citizens? And what are the different classes of legislators but advocates and parties to the causes which they determine? Is a law proposed concerning private debts? It is a question to which the creditors are parties on one side and the debtors on the other. Justice ought to hold the balance between them. Yet the parties are, and must be, themselves the judges; and the most numerous party, or, in other words, the most powerful faction must be expected to prevail. Shall domestic manufactures be encouraged, and in what degree, by restrictions on foreign manufactures? are questions which would be differently decided by the landed and the manufacturing classes, and probably by neither with a sole regard to justice and the public good. The apportionment of taxes on the various descriptions of property is an act which seems to require the most exact impartiality; yet there is, perhaps, no legislative act in which greater opportunity and temptation are given to a predominant party to trample on the rules of justice. Every shilling with which they overburden the inferior number, is a shilling saved to their own pockets.

It is in vain to say that enlightened statesmen will be able to adjust these clashing interests, and render them all subservient to the public good. Enlightened statesmen will not always be at the helm. Nor, in many cases, can such an adjustment be made at all without taking into view indirect and remote considerations, which will rarely prevail over the immediate interest which one party may find in disregarding the rights of another or the good of the whole.

The inference to which we are brought is, that the causes of faction cannot be removed, and that relief is only to be sought in the means of controlling its effects.

If a faction consists of less than a majority, relief is supplied by the republican principle, which enables the majority to defeat its sinister views by regular vote. It may clog the administration, it may convulse the society; but it will be unable to execute and mask its violence under the forms of the Constitution. When a majority is included in a faction, the form of popular government, on the other hand, enables it to sacrifice to its ruling passion or interest both the public good and the rights of other citizens. To secure the public good and private rights against the danger of such a faction, and at the same time to preserve the spirit and the form of popular government, is then the great object to which our inquiries are directed. Let me add that it is the great desideratum by which this form of government can be rescued from the opprobrium under which it has so long labored, and be recommended to the esteem and adoption of mankind.

By what means is this object attainable? Evidently by one of two only. Either the existence of the same passion or interest in a majority at the same time must be prevented, or the majority, having such coexistent passion or interest, must be rendered, by their number and local situation, unable to concert and carry into effect schemes of oppression. If the impulse and the opportunity be suffered to coincide, we well know that neither moral nor religious motives can be relied on as an adequate control. They are not found to be such on the injustice and violence of individuals, and lose their efficacy in proportion to the number combined together, that is, in proportion as their efficacy becomes needful.

From this view of the subject it may be concluded that a pure democracy, by which I mean a society consisting of a small number of citizens, who assemble and administer the government in person, can admit of no cure for the mischiefs of faction. A common passion or interest will, in almost every case, be felt by a majority of the whole; a communication and concert result from the form of government itself; and there is nothing to check the inducements to sacrifice the weaker party or an obnoxious individual. Hence it is that such democracies have ever been spectacles of turbulence and contention; have ever been found incompatible with personal security or the rights of property; and have in general been as short in their lives as they have been violent in their deaths. Theoretic politicians, who have patronized this species of government, have erroneously supposed that by reducing mankind to a perfect equality in their political rights, they would, at the same time, be perfectly equalized and assimilated in their possessions, their opinions, and their passions.

A republic, by which I mean a government in which the scheme of representation takes place, opens a different prospect, and promises the cure for which we are seeking. Let us examine the points in which it varies from pure democracy, and we shall comprehend both the nature of the cure and the efficacy which it must derive from the Union.

The two great points of difference between a democracy and a republic are: first, the delegation of the government, in the latter, to a small number of citizens elected by the rest; secondly, the greater number of citizens, and greater sphere of country, over which the latter may be extended.

The effect of the first difference is, on the one hand, to refine and enlarge the public views, by passing them through the medium of a chosen body of citizens, whose wisdom may best discern the true interest of their country, and whose patriotism and love of justice will be least likely to sacrifice it to temporary or partial considerations. Under such a regulation, it may well happen that the public voice, pronounced by the representatives of the people, will be more consonant to the public good than if pronounced by the people themselves, convened for the purpose. On the other hand, the effect may be inverted. Men of factious tempers, of local prejudices, or of sinister designs, may, by intrigue, by corruption, or by other means, first obtain the suffrages, and then betray the interests, of the people. The question resulting is, whether small or extensive republics are more favorable to the election of proper guardians of the public weal; and it is clearly decided in favor of the latter by two obvious considerations:

In the first place, it is to be remarked that, however small the republic may be, the representatives must be raised to a certain number, in order to guard against the cabals of a few; and that, however large it may be, they must be limited to a certain number, in order to guard against the confusion of a multitude. Hence, the number of representatives in the two cases not being in proportion to that of the two constituents, and being proportionally greater in the small republic, it follows that, if the proportion of fit characters be not less in the large than in the small republic, the former will present a greater option, and consequently a greater probability of a fit choice.

In the next place, as each representative will be chosen by a greater number of citizens in the large than in the small republic, it will be more difficult for unworthy candidates to practice with success the vicious arts by which elections are too often carried; and the suffrages of the people being more free, will be more likely to centre in men who possess the most attractive merit and the most diffusive and established characters.

It must be confessed that in this, as in most other cases, there is a mean, on both sides of which inconveniences will be found to lie. By enlarging too much the number of electors, you render the representatives too little acquainted with all their local circumstances and lesser interests; as by reducing it too much, you render him unduly attached to these, and too little fit to comprehend and pursue great and national objects. The federal Constitution forms a happy combination in this respect; the great and aggregate interests being referred to the national, the local and particular to the State legislatures.

The other point of difference is, the greater number of citizens and extent of territory which may be brought within the compass of republican than of democratic government; and it is this circumstance principally which renders factious combinations less to be dreaded in the former than in the latter. The smaller the society, the fewer probably will be the distinct parties and interests composing it; the fewer the distinct parties and interests, the more frequently will a majority be found of the same party; and the smaller the number of individuals composing a majority, and the smaller the compass within which they are placed, the more easily will they concert and execute their plans of oppression. Extend the sphere, and you take in a greater variety of parties and interests; you make it less probable that a majority of the whole will have a common motive to invade the rights of other citizens; or if such a common motive exists, it will be more difficult for all who feel it to discover their own strength, and to act in unison with each other. Besides other impediments, it may be remarked that, where there is a consciousness of unjust or dishonorable purposes, communication is always checked by distrust in proportion to the number whose concurrence is necessary.

Hence, it clearly appears, that the same advantage which a republic has over a democracy, in controlling the effects of faction, is enjoyed by a large over a small republic, -- is enjoyed by the Union over the States composing it. Does the advantage consist in the substitution of representatives whose enlightened views and virtuous sentiments render them superior to local prejudices and schemes of injustice? It will not be denied that the representation of the Union will be most likely to possess these requisite endowments. Does it consist in the greater security afforded by a greater variety of parties, against the event of any one party being able to outnumber and oppress the rest? In an equal degree does the increased variety of parties comprised within the Union, increase this security. Does it, in fine, consist in the greater obstacles opposed to the concert and accomplishment of the secret wishes of an unjust and interested majority? Here, again, the extent of the Union gives it the most palpable advantage.

The influence of factious leaders may kindle a flame within their particular States, but will be unable to spread a general conflagration through the other States. A religious sect may degenerate into a political faction in a part of the Confederacy; but the variety of sects dispersed over the entire face of it must secure the national councils against any danger from that source. A rage for paper money, for an abolition of debts, for an equal division of property, or for any other improper or wicked project, will be less apt to pervade the whole body of the Union than a particular member of it; in the same proportion as such a malady is more likely to taint a particular county or district, than an entire State.

In the extent and proper structure of the Union, therefore, we behold a republican remedy for the diseases most incident to republican government. And according to the degree of pleasure and pride we feel in being republicans, ought to be our zeal in cherishing the spirit and supporting the character of Federalists.

PUBLIUS

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跟著老友記Friends學英語--(3)

Rachel以逃跑的新娘(runaway bride)形象出現在眾人面前。就在自己的婚禮開始之前， Rachel逃離了婚禮現場，前來投奔她惟一認識的高中校友Monica。此時的Rachel沒有工作,手頭拮據。然而，找工作連遭失政的命運似乎并沒有影響她購物的欲望。仰仗由父親買單的信用卡， Rachel花錢依然大手大腳。大家都勸Rachel馬上毀掉信用卡以便早日獨立……

[Scene: Monica and Rachel's, everyone is sitting around the kitchen table. Rachel's credit cards are spread out on the table along with a pair of scissors.]

Rachel: Oh God, come on you guys, is this really necessary? I mean, I can stop charging anytime I want.

Monica: C'mon, you can't live off your parents your whole life.

Rachel: I know that. That's why I was getting married.

Phoebe: Give her a break, it's hard being on your own for the first time.

Rachel: Thank you.

一直依賴父母生活的Rachel并不想馬上自立，為此Monica鼓勵她把信用卡都毀掉以便獨立：c'mon，you can’t live off your parents your whole life．(動手吧，你總不能靠父母一輩子呀。)美國人有強烈的獨立精神。他們通常不仰仗個人的社會背景或家庭出身去獲得成功。如果你靠pull some strings，也就是我們中國人所說的靠“走后門”來出人頭地定會遭到多數美國人的鄙夷，因為他們堅信個人的學識(knowledge)、智慧(wisdom)、創造精神(creativity)以及良好的品性(moral character)才是成功必不可少的條件。

因此Monica他們一再鼓勵Rachel跟信用卡說bye-bye。 C’mon是come on的縮略形式。曾經聽一位在美國留學的同學抱怨說在那里說英語似乎總是比聽懂英語容易。造成這個問題的主要原因是縮略形式在英語中的廣泛運用。毫無準備的聽者往往聽不懂這些詞，加上縮略語使得語速加快，理解英語便成了大難題。相信不懂縮略語的讀者很難猜出這句話的意思：dy’ask’hr yet?其實這句話用標準英語表達很簡單：Did you ask her yet?再比如：Dushi speak English?相當于：Does she speak English?。C’mon，不管是縮略語還是英語中的其他困難，只要你能keep your chin up (不灰心喪氣)，Everything's gonna be fine．(一切都會好起來的。)

盡管大家再三給Rachel加油鼓勁，她仍然猶豫不決。這時Phoebe說道：Give her a break，it's hard being on your own for the first time．(別逼她了。你們第一次獨立的時候不也費了好大的勁。)

break用作名詞時會使很多人聯想英語課堂上老師常說的一句話：Time is up．Let's have a break．意思是說：本堂課結束了，課間休息一下吧。break在此的意思為“課間休息”，“間歇，停頓”。比如說現在很多公司都給員工提供tea break(用茶休息時間)；電視臺靠break for the commercial(插播商業廣告的間歇)盈利；如果你work for 10 hours without a break before computers(不間斷地在電腦前工作10小時)則對你的健康極為不利。然而如果照此意思來理

解give sb．a break就會大錯特錯。give sb．a break用于口語，其意思是“給某人一個機會；放某人一馬；不難為某人”。作為老師每每考試之后都會聽到學生說類似的話：老師幫幫忙讓我過了吧，否則我就得重讀二年級了。這句話用英文表達就是：Give me d break and pass me，or else I’ll have to be a sophomore again．但萬事都不是絕對的，有時一句Give me a break!或Give me a break!則表示不相信別人胡謅亂編，相當于：得了吧!別拿我當傻子!收起你那套噱頭!因此對英語語言的理解不能take everything for granted(把一切都想當然)，否則會讓人笑掉大牙。

visiton音箱是美國的嗎

visiton音箱是美國的。

美國Wisdom Audio（威士頓）是世界上赫赫有名的Hi-End音響生產商，由多位音響行業中的頂尖人才聯手組建，具有強勁的產品開發能力。早年，Wisdom Audio以一對巨型Infinite Grande Hi-End級分體音箱而得到“喇叭之王”的美譽，因此成名。

美國圣路易斯華盛頓大學有哪些熱門專業

　美國是一個留學大國，每年有眾多留學生到美國求學。美國有諸多世界名校，圣路易斯華盛頓大學是其中之一。它有哪些本科專業呢?它的歷史專業怎么樣?和來看看吧!

　This is an exciting time to be studying history. The transition to the 21st century has prompted intense questioning about the past, the future, and the nature of change. Many old certainties and conventional wisdoms have been challenged, and America?s role in an increasingly complex and contentious world demands that we, as citizens, acquire the skills that will allow us to analyze and comprehend that world.

　這是個學習歷史的興奮時刻。過渡到21世紀，關于過去、未來、變化的本質的問題接踵而來。諸多古老確定的東西而傳統智慧一起，受到了挑戰，而美國在日益復雜且備受爭議的世界中的角色要求我們，作為公民，掌握我們借以可以分析和理解那個世界的技能。

　This is precisely what the study of history?of human experience contextualized temporally, culturally, politically, and geographically?is designed to do. The History Department at Washington University offers you the opportunity to examine human experience across time and in a wide variety of cultural, political, regional, and social contexts. The curriculum is global in scope, and students are encouraged to sample courses across time and space while achieving depth of knowledge in selected areas.

　這正是歷史研究的所在?學習人類的現世經驗、文化經驗、政治經驗和地理學經驗。華盛頓大學歷史系為你提供從時間、文化、政治、區域、社會等角度考察人類經歷的機會。歷史系的課程范圍涵蓋全球，在讓學生獲得選定領域深度知識的同時，鼓勵學生嘗試各時空階段的課程。

　Through the major in history, you also can develop important analytic skills used in law, business, communications, and other professions. These skills include the ability to organize and interpret data, to develop logical and convincing arguments, to do research and sift the significant from the insignificant, to read for comprehension, and to write with precision and clarity. Historians aim for a broad understanding of any problem and gain empathy for people in different times, places, and situations.

　通過歷史專業的學習，你還可以培養重要的人分析技能，將它應用到法學、商務、傳播和其他領域中。這些包括組織和詮釋數據能力、邏輯辯論能力、研究和過濾無用信息能力、閱讀理解能力和準確清晰寫作能力。史學家的目標在于獲得對任何問題的廣泛理解，與各時段、各地方、各出境中的人們產生共鳴。

　 Program Requirements

　All University College undergraduate students must satisfy the same general-education requirements. Requirements specific to this major include:

　1.Introductory Courses (6 units)

　One introductory course chosen from:

　Western Civilization I (U16 101)

　Western Civilization II (U16 102)

　Introduction to U.S. History (U16 163)

　Introduction to World History (U16 164)

　America to Civil War (U16 209)

　American from the Civil War (U16 210)

　One additional introductory course, 100- or 200-level History course.

　課程要求

　所有大學學院本科生必須滿足同樣的一般教育要求。本專業的特殊要求包括：

　 1.導論課程(6個單元)

　必須從以下課程選擇一門導論課程：《西方文明(1)》(U16 101)，《西方文明(2)》(U16 102)，《美國歷史導論》(U16 163)，《世界歷史導論》(U16 164)，《走入內戰的美國》(U16 209)，《走出內戰的美國》(U16 210)。

　另一門導論課為100或200級歷史課。

　2.Advanced Level Courses

　At least 18 units of 300- or 400-level courses, to include:

　a.At least one course designated "premodern" and one course designated "modern."

　b.At least one course from three of the following geographical areas: Africa, East Asia, South Asia, Europe, Latin America, Middle East, the United States, or Transregional History.*

　 2.高級課程

　至少18個單元的300或400級課程。包括：

　A.至少學習一門指定的?前現代?課程和一門指定的?現代?課程。

　B. 至少學習一門關于以下地區中的三個地區的課程：非洲、東亞、南亞、歐洲、拉丁美洲、中東、美國、跨地域歷史。

　* A transregional course includes more than one of the designated geographic areas. If a student chooses to count a transregional course towards the geographical requirement, at least one of the two other geographical areas must cover a region that is not included in the transregional course. For example, a student who has completed courses in U.S. and Latin American history could not count towards this requirement a transregional course that examines the comparative history of the U.S. and Latin America.

　跨地域課程包括兩個及以上的指定地區。如果學生選擇將跨地域課程算入地理要求，那么其他兩個地域中至少要有一個不在跨地域課程涵蓋的區域內。例如，學生已修完美國和拉丁美洲歷史課程，就不能將這項要求計入考察對比美國和拉丁美洲歷史的跨地域課程里。

　3.A capstone experience (Research Seminar)

　Research Seminars are upper-level, limited-enrollment courses that emphasize engagement with primary sources. Course assignments will feature texts and images from a variety of published and manuscript materials, and students will research and write a substantial paper over the course of the semester from independently selected and analyzed primary sources. All research seminars will be so designated in the course title.

　 3.頂石經歷(研究研討課)

　研究研討課是高等級、有注冊名額限制的課程，強調第一手來源。課程任務突出從各種出版物和手稿中摘取文本和圖像，學生需要參考研究自己獨立收集和分析的第一手材料，寫作當前學期課程論文。所有研究研討課都將在課程標題中如此指定。

　It is highly recommended that, before undertaking the Research Project, students enroll in one or more Research Seminars (which would, in this case, count towards the required 18 units of advanced level courses).

　在從事研究項目之前，學生最好先學習一門以上的研究研討課(在這種情況下，研討課計入高級課程要求的18個單元)。

　 Application Requirements

　Below is a list of requirements for an application to the History undergraduate degree at University College. Your application will be reviewed once all requirements are received.

　申請要求

　以下是申請大學學院歷史本科學位的各項要求。一旦所有要求送達，你的申請就會被受理。

　1.Completed application form

　The application form for the History undergraduate degree is available online on the Apply page.

　 1.完整的申請表

　歷史本科學位申請表在學校網站的Apply page(申請頁面)上有。

　2.Official transcripts from all previous college work

　Contact the registrar at each previous college or university attended to request an official transcript. Official transcripts must be sent directly from the registrar to University College.

　 2.先前所有高中課程的官方成績單

　聯系你以前學校的登記員。官方成績單直接從登記員那里發送到大學學院。

　3.Personal statement

　Tell us about yourself in a brief essay (about 250 words). Why are you applying to University College? What are your goals, both academic and professional? What do we need to know when considering your application.

　 3.個人陳述

　以短文(約250個單詞)的形式介紹你自己。告訴我們你為什么要申請大學學院，你的學術目標和職業是什么，以及審核你的申請時我們應該知道些什么。

　4.TOEFL scores, if applicable

　If you are not a U.S. citizen, official TOEFL scores must be forwarded to University College. (Graduates of a U.S. university or college or Canada, Australia, and U.K. residents are exempt if they have earned a bachelor?s degree or a graduate degree from such college or university.)

　 4.托福成績(如果適用)

　如果你不是美國公民，你需要向大學學院提供官方托福成績。(美國、加拿大、澳大利亞、英國的學生，已經從學院或大學獲得學士學位或畢業學位的，不需要再提供托福成績。)

　5.$35 application fee

　Payment may be submitted by credit card online as part of your application, or via check or money order payable to Washington University in St. Louis. You may pay the fee by cash at the University College office.

　 5.35美元的申請費

　作為申請的一部分，申請費可以信用卡線上支付。也可以通過核實或匯票在圣路易斯華盛頓大學支付。你可以在大學學院辦公室現金支付。

　 Minor in History (18 Units)

　1.Required Courses (6 units)

　One introductory course chosen from the following:

　Western Civilization I (U16 101)

　Western Civilization II (U16 102)

　Introduction to U.S. History (U16 163)

　Introduction to World History (U16 164)

　America to the Civil War (U16 209)

　America from the Civil War (U16 210)

　One additional introductory course chosen from any 100 or 200 History course.

　2.Elective Courses (12 units)

　12 units of 300 or 400 level History courses.

　歷史副修科目(18個單元)

　 1.必修課程(6個單元)

　必須從以下課程選擇一門導論課程：《西方文明(1)》(U16 101)，《西方文明(2)》(U16 102)，《美國歷史導論》(U16 163)，《世界歷史導論》(U16 164)，《走入內戰的美國》(U16 209)，《走出內戰的美國》(U16 210)。

　另一門導論課為100或200級歷史課。

　 2.選修課程(12個單元)

　12個單元的300或400級歷史課程。

今天關于“WISDOM美國留學費用”的討論就到這里了。希望通過今天的講解，您能對這個主題有更深入的理解。如果您有任何問題或需要進一步的信息，請隨時告訴我。我將竭誠為您服務。

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